Recent trends have centred on a reorientation of Singaporean identity and politics. Much of the debate has been premised on the notion of what exactly encapsulates a “Singaporean” identity. It seems that the question is no longer as simply answered or as straightforward as it used to be.
There are rules now, restrictions, different layers to being Singaporean and even different types of Singaporeans. I myself, a third-generation Singaporean, have often been asked, after declaring myself a Singaporean, if I am a real and pure Singaporean.
Yet, in recent times, the Singaporean identity and its accompanying culture has become increasingly difficult to access and define. There is no denying that much of that difficulty is due to the fact that we are at the crossroads of an exceptional period in Singapore’s relatively young history. Our politics is evolving, a fact acknowledged by the Prime Minister. Our society, both in terms of mindset and its general composition, has changed significantly, with more changes seemingly on the horizon.
Significant questions must be addressed; an introspective inquisition is necessary to realise why our short history has created such complexity with regards to a national identity.
LEGACY OF A HYPHENATED IDENTITY
The concepts of race and ethnicity are critical forces that shape the identity of the individual and society. Robert J Brym and John Lie define race and ethnicity as “socially constructed ideas” used to “distinguish people based on perceived physical or cultural differences, with profound consequences for their lives”.
Singapore practices a form of multiracialism that clearly demarcates diverse ethnicities into the four categories of Chinese, Malay, Indian and Others (CMIO). The CMIO policy has defined Singaporean society, permeating the very fundamental conceptualisation of how we see ourselves as Singaporeans.
The Singapore identity is essentially thus a hyphenated one. Every Singaporean is a Singaporean-‘Something’, with an ethnic identity accompanying his national identity. Each race was also allocated a race-language, (Chinese= Mandarin, Malay=Malay language, Indian =Tamil) and it was made compulsory for Singaporeans to take the prescribed race-language as a mother tongue.
This policy has had some benefit, with links to culture and language being emphasized. However, within the context of creating a national identity, this only served to further complicate the already difficult task of creating a national identity that Singaporeans could subscribe to.
It is not my argument that cultural ties should have been forgone and forgotten in an attempt to create a national identity. Instead, I argue that cultural identities should not have been institutionalised and prescribed. Cultural communities should have been given space and avenue to flourish, but the Singaporean identity should have been allowed to evolve without an ethnic hyphen.
The emphasis of the hyphenated identity has in many ways emphasised differences and perpetuated stereotypes. Perhaps the most hard done by the CMIO model is the simplistic terminology ascribed to those whom fall under the term ‘Other’, a term of convenience that fails to highlight the cultural and historical relevance of diverse vibrant cultures such as the Peranakans and Eurasians, many of whom are unique to this region.
Similarly, many diverse cultures, languages and traditions have been simplified by the groupings Chinese, Malay and Indian. In many ways, we have through an emphasis of an ethnic hyphenated identity, entrenched our differences while homogenising our heterogeneity. In an increasingly globalised Singapore, we should abandon such a model and celebrate our differences through a singular national identity, Singaporean.
THE PRIMACY OF ECONOMICS
Since independence, our shared history has been defined and guided by an ideology of survival with economic growth seen as the only means through which we could stave off the doom that seemingly awaited a country with no real natural resources to fall back on. The ideology is not flawed but again, it has had the consequence of becoming the primary mantra by which our nation is defined.
While preparing to write this paper, I randomly approached colleagues, relatives, friends and neighbours and asked what they thought encapsulated the Singaporean identity. Many replied that Singapore was defined by economics. An uncle of mine summed this up best by telling me that our take on racial cohesion, national service, public transportation, immigration and all the other major issues that seem to generate debate about being Singaporean today are largely defined by our socio-economic status, not by any other defining difference.
In a country in which inequality is becoming an increasingly significant problem, this contention is a startling one. National Identity is a constantly evolving concept, dependent on how people conceptualise their Nation. An economically unequal Singapore will struggle to find a united identity, because it was the dream of economic success and its rhetoric that historically united us in the first place.
SERVICE, SACRIFICE, SUCCESS AND SURVIVAL
Singapore’s history has been dominated by a discourse that has centred on a perceived need to survive against the odds, with dependence placed firmly on capable leadership and a willing, hardworking populace. This has often placed a burden on Singaporeans, with service and sacrifice expected in order to survive and find success.
Service and sacrifice is perhaps best encapsulated in the policy of National Service. Ask any Singaporean what most encapsulates being Singaporean and NS often comes at the top of the list. Singaporean males sacrifice two years, in the prime of their lives, for a national cause; a cause largely driven by the notion of survivability in a potentially hostile region.
The sacrifice is extraordinary, and I think one that often does not get the emphasis it sometimes deserves. Our men, myself included, walk into institutions of higher learning two years later. We lag behind the women and foreigners in terms of completing our education and work experience.
We feel a sense of frustration that our progress is stifled and, in a society largely driven by economic success, being financially incapable into your 20s is a highly depressing reality to deal with. Even our young adult lives are often stifled by reservist expectations; internships, summer programmes and graduate trips are at the mercy of call-ups.
Yet, there is a sense of pride that often accompanies having served your nation, but it is accompanied by a strong notion of expectation as well. NS is an acknowledgement that we will, if and when necessary, sacrifice our lives to protect the sovereignty of our country and the well-being of its people.
Mothers, sisters, wives and girlfriends accustom themselves to the idea that Singaporean males will spend two years in service to the nation, and the next decade or more as a reservist personnel, and that if need should ever arise, lives will be sacrificed. Such sacrifice will always demand that we are viewed differently from those who don’t make the same sacrifice.
Perhaps that is where the great divide exists. Sacrifice demands recognition and it comes with expectations. Can a family willing to sacrifice its own for the land conceptualise equality with those who aren’t willing to do the same?
Can our national discourse, so long demanding sacrifice in return for success, learn to turn the other cheek when it comes to accommodating newcomer? Perhaps the solution lies in redesigning our National Service programme and making the same demands, in diverse ways, from new citizens and PRs as well?
These are questions that must be answered as Singapore attempts to define its national identity.
Pravin Prakash
The Social Swami
This article was written for the TODAY paper and was published online and in print on 1st May 2013
Keeping it civil: How now for political engagement?
In Political Commentary, Pravin Prakash, Published Commentaries, Social Commentary on June 29, 2013 at 1:51 pmThe relationship between the citizen, civil society, politics and the Government in Singapore is a complicated one.
This relationship has come under scrutiny in recent times, with much debate focusing on dynamics that exist between the political rights of the individual, the role of NGOs and civil society, as well as the Government’s perspective.
The conceptual history of the term “civil society” is enmeshed with the idea of citizenship, the limits of state power and the regulation of market economies. The popular modern perspective is that civil society serves as a buffer zone between state and market – a socio-political space strong enough to negotiate the influences of government and the free market on the individual and greater society.
Jurgen Habermas, the German sociologist and philosopher, articulates that “civil society is made up of more or less spontaneously created associations, organisations and movements, which find, take up, condense and amplify the resonance of social problems in private life, and pass it on to the political realm or public sphere”. An active civil society hence potentially functions as a bridge between the government and the people, encouraging positive discourse and initiatives.
CIVIL SOCIETY VS CIVIC SOCIETY
In Singapore, the Government has often advocated the proliferation of a “civic society” over that of a civil society.
The term first found articulation in 1991, by then Acting Minister of Information and the Arts George Yeo. who called for the creation of a “Singapore Soul” by an active citizenry, with an emphasis on the responsibilities to the nation. In another speech at a conference on civil society in 1998, Mr Yeo mooted the notion of the “Singapore Idea” and expressed hope that there would be found “new and better ways to bind state and society together”.
“For it is in working together that we optimise our position in the world. In the web world, the state is not completely above society. Both exist together drawing strength from each other,” he added. The emphasis, it may be discerned, is on citizen participation that works within governmental and institutional frameworks rather than outside it.
In Singapore this has manifested in a focus on aspects such as good governance, civic responsibility, honesty, strong families, hard work, a spirit of voluntarism and a deep respect for racial and religious diversity.
The result has been the flourishing of organisations such as the People’s Association (PA), which are essentially civic groups that function as assistants to the state, and which perform important roles such as the provision of social services. Civic organisations such as the PA do play a key role in Singapore society – however, this has also meant that traditionally speaking, civic society and not civil society has flourished here.
GROUNDS FOR WARINESS
Why has the Singapore Government maintained a distinct wariness towards the development of a vibrant and potentially politically active civil society? Its suspicions, it may be argued, date back to Cold War days when an active civil society was a hotbed for communist organisations.
Incidents such as the Hock Lee bus strike and riots of 1955, which was orchestrated by politically motivated trade unions and students, left a deep impression on early PAP leaders. The PAP’s own political struggle with left-leaning organisations in the 1960s and 1970s taught it the potential dangers of politicised trade unions.
In the 1980s, the Government reacted strongly to criticisms made by Catholic priests on the trade unions and labour laws. The criticisms were harsh, yet it cannot be denied that there exists a real threat in the amalgamation of religion and politics.
A perusal of recent world history tells us that the Government’s fears are not completely unfounded. A politicised civil society holds the potential to be disruptive and violent, capable of inflicting extensive damage. A paternalistic approach to civil society has avoided such excesses.
But the question must be asked: Today, in a globalised and increasingly politically aware Singapore, is it time for policies on civil society evolve?
AN EVOLVING POLITICAL CULTURE
The political culture in Singapore is undergoing fundamental changes. The 2011 General Election appears to have ushered in a more politically charged and aware citizenry that is determined to voice their concern, disapproval and opinions on social and political issues.
The Government seems well aware of the shifting sands and has made efforts to engage the population in ways it has often shied away from in the past. In 2004, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong articulated that “the Government of Singapore will not view all critics as adversaries. If it is a sincere contribution to improve government policies … (we will) encourage the critic to continue to stay engaged or even counter argue.”
In an interview in March this year, the Prime Minister commented that: “It’s a different generation, a different society, and the politics will be different. … We have to work in a more open way.”
Recent initiatives such as Our Singapore Conversation have been both lauded and criticised in equal measure. Many have called it a step towards more political engagement while others think it a mere talkshop.
Political openness and evolution must be a gradual and two-way process, even in the face of mounting frustration. In many states, a swift and passion-fuelled political change have often resulted in fractured states with little benefit from the process.
It is also imperative that this process is a two way one, negotiated by both an open minded government and an equally accommodating civil society. This is often a laborious process, especially given that our civil society is in many ways still in its infancy. The state too must shift its perspective, from a paternalistic approach to that of a mentor, more experienced and yet trusting of its protégé’s capabilities.
YOUTH AND THE INTERNET
Yet it must be acknowledged, we live in exceptional times with regards to our political culture. An increasingly political citizenry has been aided by the effects of globalisation and the popularity of social networking. The proliferation of ideas and opinions can no longer be contained within state boundaries. Social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter have become hotbeds for discussion on political and social issues.
The Government must become acutely aware that issues and policies will be actively debated and thrashed out. It must take measures to promote more debate in public spaces between citizens and itself, even as such exchange currently does take place via several avenues. Discussion and debate must entail all sides being open to the idea of learning from one another and willing to see the other’s perspective.
Otherwise, a culture where debate takes place without the Government will become the norm. This must be avoided because a vibrant civil society and a capable government, plugged into one another, drawing from one another’s strengths, can be a socio-political force of immense capabilities that Singapore must utilise.
In an increasingly online world, there must be a culture of political engagement that is mature, educated and engaged for positive change. The alternative is a scary one: Online avatars engaged in what borders on mudslinging and hate. Civic society cannot engage these opinions but an active and vigorous civil society can.
As a tutor at both the university and junior college level, it is clear to me that today’s youth are intelligent, opinionated and spirited with a strong interest in positive political and social engagement. Many are not the cynical and disinterested naysayers that the youth are often painted as being.
Given the proper encouragement and avenues, I am confident that we can accelerate the growth of a dynamic and positive civil society, driven by youth that will work for the greater benefit of the country.
Pravin Prakash
The Social Swami
This article was written for the TODAY paper and was published online on 1st June 2013